Agricultural Land Use in Qalqilia District PDF |
| Ghazi Abdelfatah Ali Mohmmad |
| Supervisor(s) |
| Dr. Ahmad Ra’fat Ghodieh - |
| Discussion Commity |
| 158 صفحة |
| Abstract : |
Agricultural Land Use in Qalqilia District By Ghazi Abdelfatah Ali Mohmmad Supervisor Dr. Ahmad Ra’fat Ghodieh Abstarct Lying at the feet of Nablus hills, and within the Palestinian inland coastal area, Qalqilya Governorate, home to 35 localities, has witnessed in the past years significant changes in the uses of agricultural land. There was a change in the use of agricultural land from an unirrigated pattern to a modern irrigated protected pattern (green houses). This study sought to identify both the human and natural factors affecting agricultural land use and distribution. It also aimed at identifying the social and economic characteristics of agricultural land owners as well as the role of the farmers in developming the agricultural patterns. Furthermore, the researcher examined the most important changes in the structure crop in the past, and analysed the current use of agricultural land in the Governorate. To these ends, the |
Monday, February 1, 2010
Agricultural Land Use in Qalqilia District
Al-Andalus during the Rule of Al-Wolah H 91 – 138, A. D 711 - 756
Al-Andalus during the Rule of Al-Wolah H 91 – 138, A. D 711 - 756 PDF |
| Ashraf Ya'qoub Ahmed Ishteiwi |
| Supervisor(s) |
| Dr.Hisham Abu Irmeilah - |
| Discussion Commity |
| 218 صفحة |
| Abstract : |
Abstract This research studies and analyses an important period of Al-Andalus's history known as the age of Alwolah which (92-138/711-756). The one who rule in Al-Andalus Wali or The Prince and so was the age called. Those Wolah followed the governor of Africa and he appointed them. In some other cases the Umayyad Caliphate interfered directly in appointing some of them, and sometimes the people of Al-Andalus appointed their rules and waited for the official agreement either from the government of Africa or from Damascus the center of the Caliphate then. Those Wolah reaches 20 and the ruled for a period of 42 years. This shows the instability and the confusion which Al-Alandus witnessed. Their capital at first was Ishbilia then Corduba which remained their capital all their rule. Although the sources don't give and precise information about this age, we find that the Wolah did their best to control the country financially and politically. Many of them cared for the architectural buildings specially the military ones since this age was the age of establishment and futooh. This age wasn't an infertile or a dark one as much as some sources picture it, but it laid the first steps for organizing Al-Andulas. This organization become a foundation for every administrational organization hereafter. Those Wolah also raised the Flag of Al jihad and was committed to spreading Islam in Al-Andalus and the neighboring countries. This age, which is the subject of this research, witnessed confusion and internal troubles which occurred between the Arabs and the Barbar and between the Arabs themselves which leaded to confusion in Al-Andalus. The enemies of Muslims used his to stop the Islamic Fath which was doing their direction, and the Christian groups who lived in the northern parts started to expand and advance their borders At the expense of the Muslims being occupied with their disputes and leaving the Jihad and the protection of the borders of the Islamic stare. The Islamic Fath was reason for the appearance of new groups which were not known before like the Arabs, the Barbar, the Musalimah the Musta' riboon, the Slaves and the Saqalibah. These groups played an important role in what infected the Muslims in this age and the ages to follow. The Andalus also witnessed in this period some economical and agricultural activities, which were influenced by the internal actions that dominated in that age. |
Ownership During the Age of the Prophet Mohammad (Peace Be Upon Him)
Ownership During the Age of the Prophet Mohammad (Peace Be Upon Him) PDF |
| Amena Mahmoud Ibrahimm Abu Hatab |
| Supervisor(s) |
| Dr. Jamal Judeh - |
| Discussion Commity |
| * |
| 111 صفحة |
| Abstract : |
This study investigates the ownership during the age of the Prophet, Mohammad, Messenger of God (Peace be upon him). The research is divided into four chapters in addition to an appendix its sources and references. Chapter One: Islam and Ownership. In this chapter, the researcher studies the ownership and its forms of the Arabs of the northern and southern regions of Arabia at the eve of Islam introduction. Then the concept of money especially immovable property (i.e. real property) is investigated. Afterwards, the researcher discusses the Messengers stand of the ownership of those who converted into Islam, the real taxes imposed upon those properties. The Messenger did not recognize the pagans’ ownership of lands not even their bloods. This chapter is concluded by identifying the messenger’s stand of the ownership of non-Muslims including the Jews, Christians, and Magi. This stand took place at two stages: the first stage took place before conquering Mecca when the Messenger took hold of the Jewish properties either by fight or by surrendering without fighting according to the methods that the Jews decided to deal with the Messenger. The second stage took place after the conquest of Mecca and imposing the almsgiving when the Messenger was certain of the success of his state. Hence, the Jews and Christians were treated as the protected people (i.e. free non-Muslim people under the protection of Islam). By doing this, they conserved their ownership in return for paying Dane-geld for themselves and their properties. Chapter Two: Fief. This form of ownership comprised the largest and most important form of ownership at the time of the Messenger. There were many forms of fief at the time of the Messenger. He granted places for housing, unknown lands and waters, limited and known lands and water wells that were identified in various parts throughout Arabia. He also granted vast areas of lands in Syria before conquest for groups in various places, in addition o granting minerals for certain people, and granting movables from the treasury to various people. In this chapter, it has been concluded that the Messenger did not limit certain areas of fief. At the same time, those fiefs were for ownership not for exploitation. It should be noted that the Messenger granted those fiefs the tribes’ sheiks and lords on the one hand, and the businessmen of the Immigrants and the Supporters on the other. In this way, he confirmed the privatization principle in ownership. Chapter Three: Spoils and Loots. In this chapter, the researcher discusses the ownership that came from the lands of spoil and loots. In fact, they were the lands of the Jews in Medina, Khaiber, Fadak, and Wadi-el-Qura. The Messenger took hold of the Jewish properties of Bani-Nadheer, Khaiber and Fadak making him one of the largest Muslim property holders. Then, he granted his followers some pieces of Bani-Nadheer lands. He also granted the lands of Kateeba Fort to his relatives of Bani-Hashem and Bani Abdul-Mutaleb in addition to his wives, some of the Immigrants, and Arab groups. Finally, the researcher discusses in this chapter the ownership that developed after seizing the lands that Muslims looted from Bani-Quraitha, Khaibar, and Wadi-el-Qura. It is concluded in this chapter that the ownership of the Immigrants and the Supporters replaced the ownership of the Jews and finished them completely in Hijaz.
Chapter Four: Protection, Held Charities and Land Reclamation. In this chapter, the researcher discusses the development of collective ownership at the time of the Messenger in addition to the various forms of private ownership including land reclamation, purchasing and inheritance. The Messenger confirmed the legitimacy of land protection for the tribes. In addition, he protected lands outside Medina for the charity livestock. In this respect, the Messenger decided that all people have common ownership in three things: water, grazing lands, and fire. New concepts of collective ownership developed in Islam: the held charities (endowments) which were originally private properties whose holders decided to endow them before their death for the benefits of their off-springs. Those properties should not be sold, granted, nor should they be inherited, but their products should be distributed among the inheritors of the dead endower. It seems that those collective properties comprised some form of descendant endowment. The researcher also discusses the form of ownership through land reclamation. The Messenger stated that whoever reclaimed a piece of land, he shall get hold of it. No doubt that this form of ownership was exclusive to Muslim businessmen since the reclamation itself needed vast financial potentials. This chapter is concluded by referring to ownership forms through land purchase and land inheritance though these forms were limited at the time of the Messenger. |
Staging and Monitoring in Arabic and Non-Arabic Media Discourse
Staging and Monitoring in Arabic and Non-Arabic Media Discourse PDF |
| Adas, Dana Omar Abed Al-Kareem |
| Supervisor(s) |
| Ruqayah Herzallah - |
| Discussion Commity |
| 1. Dr. Ruqayah Herzallah (First Supervisor) 2. Dr. Odeh Odeh (Second Supervisor) 3. Dr. Nabil Alawi (Committee Member) 4. Dr. Ahmad Atawneh (External Examiner). |
| صفحة |
| Abstract : |
This study aims at finding out how Arab & Western Media writers reflect their own manipulative reportage. In plain terms, the purpose of this study is to objectively foresee the responses of the readers through studying the hidden perspectives in media discourse. In the course of analyzing the texts from a discoursal perspective, the researcher will highlight how Arab and Non-Arab media writers stage their language. The analytical categories of the study include staging (thematic structures and linearization, passivization or activization, and lexical choice). Staging reveals how the writer’s topic area is structured and how avoiding staging, especially in media discourse, receives no cooperation on part of the readers, i.e. there is a good likelihood that they aren't implicitly affected. For the sake of analysis, three topics from six Arab, and six Non-Arab newspapers, are extracted. This data is analyzed in accordance with discourse analytical approaches (Brown and Yule, 1983; Beaugrande & Dressler, 1981). In this vein, one can understand how media is effectively manipulated in the Arab & Non-Arab Worlds. Other samples from expository news reports translated from Arabic into English are to be chosen to see how Arab translators render the texts into English since the study builds on the assumption that foreigners may read what Arabs write. The study ends with the conclusion that Arab media discourse (according to the present analysis) addresses two views, one defending the Israelis, and the other favouring the Palestinians. The former is portrayed through implicit linearization, i.e. linearization of themes. The latter is supported through (inconsistent) lexical emotiveness. When the text is translated into English, there is a good chance that it would not reflect the Palestinian viewpoint. Arab media writers may unintentionally order the themes in a way reflecting the Israeli attitude. It is this (un)intentionality that should be taken at face value. The study recommends that translators exert all their effort to transfer the actual viewpoint of the Arab public, and not that of the political parties or leaders. Arab writers, of the presented data, are required to pay attention to staging devices in media discourse especially when it comes to its indirect and hidden modes such as linearization. |
Markedness Theory as it Relates to Word Order in Translation between English and Arabic
Markedness Theory as it Relates to Word Order in Translation between English and Arabic PDF |
| Ibrahim Mohammed Salem Battat |
| Supervisor(s) |
| Dr. Nabil Alawi - |
| Discussion Commity |
| Dr. Nabil Alawi, Chairman Dr. Ahmed Atawneh, External MemberDr. Ruqayia Herzallah, Internal Member Dr. Odeh Odeh, Internal Member |
| 161 صفحة |
| Abstract : |
This study deals with the problem of markedness in translation between English and Arabic. The two languages differ in word order and in the relative degree of freedom in word order because Arabic is an inflectional language. Such differences create problems to translators between the two languages. A sequence in one language may not have the same meaning of a sequence in the other language although both sequences have identical word order. The Arabic sentence المعلمُ مسحَ اللوحً does not mean “The teacher cleaned the board,” although both sentences have identical word order. The English translation does not account for the marked meaning signalled in the Arabic sentence by bringing the agent to front position before the verb. The problem of accounting for markedness in translation is approached at the sentence level between Classical Arabic and Modern Standard English. The unmarked (canonical) word order and the marked word order in Arabic are approached and justified in terms of the theory of the strength of the activity of agency in Arabic. This study also includes ways of signalling emphasis and markedness in Arabic. A distinction is made between information structure and syntactic structure of English in terms of the Hallidayan approach and the functional sentence perspective of the Prague School. Marked word order in English is approached in terms of the degree a component has on the scale of communicative dynamism. A distinction between correct and incorrect word orders in English is made in terms of phrase structure rules. This study includes recommendations for researchers to study other factors that affect word order in English and Arabic. |
Pastures in the Eastern Slopes of Palestine
Pastures in the Eastern Slopes of Palestine PDF |
| Najeh Mahmoud Mohammad H. Abed |
| Supervisor(s) |
| Dr. Jamal Abo Ommar - الأستاذ الدكتور محمد أبوصفط |
| Discussion Commity |
| صفحة |
| Abstract : |
Pastures in the Eastern Slopes of Palestine By Najeh Mahmoud Mohammad H. Abed Supervisors Dr. Jamal Abo Ommar & Prof. Mohammad Abo Safat Abstract Pastures in general and in the eastern slopes in particular have a great role in local livestock sector. Recently, local pastures witnessed a great deal of deterioration. This affects local livestock operations. The objectives of this study were to examine the pastures through different aspects as the plant cover, habitat, problems of overgrazing and those related to the Israeli occupation authority. A well-constructed questionnaire was implemented to obtain data required from the total livestock farmers of about 1600. The study showed that only 20% of the pasture areas in the eastern slopes are accessible by farmers compared to the area before 1967. This limited area is not completely free for grazing as farmers in that district utilize some of the area in cultivation of some field crops. The study showed the limitation of water in the studied area where water is provided though water tanks. More than 70% of farmers in the area of the study are lacking in social, health and veterinary services. It was concluded from the study that plant cover in area is enough for only 10% of livestock population. Some recommendations were given to help improving the conditions of the eastern slopes pastures.
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Al-Fieyet Ibn Malik Between Ibn A'qeel and Al-Khudari
Al-Fieyet Ibn Malik Between Ibn A'qeel and Al-Khudari PDF |
| Ziad Tawfiq Mohammad Abu Kishk |
| Supervisor(s) |
| Professor Ahmad Hasan Hamed - |
| Discussion Commity |
| 279 صفحة |
| Abstract : |
Al-Fieyet Ibn Malik Between Ibn A'qeel and Al-Khudari Prepared by Ziad Tawfiq Mohammad Abu Kishk Supervised by Professor Ahmad Hasan Hamed
Abstract Thank God who swore with pen and pray and peace by upon who received the Holy Koran, Mohammad peace be up him and upon his dynasty, and his right way until the Doomsday, and then: God honoured his nation with the Islam and strengthened her with the Koran and eased her this eloquent Arabic togue to serve this religion. Ibn Malak classified "Al-Kafyeh Al-Shafyeh" in syntax and etymology into three thousand very, and of them he brought "the summary" which is known with "Al-Fieyyet Obn Malek in about one thousand verses. Scientists took care of it well and explained it and construed its verses for its great importance in the syntactical lesson. Its explanations grew and most connected one was Ibn A'qeel's explanation the used at our universities, in statutes schools, libraries and even our houses as its reputation excelled the others, and it met unique acceptance that gave it unequalled merit. This explanation abundantly inspired the etymologists as they widely used it and took care of it. Of them was Al-Khudari in a margin named in his name, and that was known by those who penetrated in the etymology lesson. Many couldn't get it because of its non-abundance in the libraries and you can not get it but in the university and public libraries. The Researches and studies office superintended its printing and Dar El-Fiqr carried out the correctness of Yousef El-Shiekh Mohammad El-Biqai with its vowel printing and correction in 1995. then Turki Farhan El-Mustafa briefly commented on it in 1998. For the distinction of Ibn Aqeel's explanation from others and Al-Khudari's handling with the Al- Pieyyeh in a margin completely poilowed up, as he beautified and illustrated what he could, I made this research on comparing the explanation with the margin concentrating on the necessity of the Al-Fieyyeh first and showing the explainer's creed in two consecutive chapters then each one's methodology in another chapter, then each one's resources showing their styles through arousing the studiers and etymologists interest with ascertaining to the margins which stood on the explanations. In my research, I followed the method of description analyzing and comparison using the historic chronology for the knights of this field for the sake of arriving to comparison among associates in a parallel comparison study. I divided the research into five chapters: Chapter on: in it I spoke about the importance of the Al-Fieyyeh in the etymologic lesson. Chapter two: in it I handle the etymologist Ibn Aqeel's which he tracked on the his explanation of the Al-Fieyyeh verses. Chapter three: in it I handled Al-Khudari's creed in his margin on the Al-Feyyeh and explanation. Chapter four: I specialized the speech on each one's method and style which he followed in dealing what in his hands. But the last chapter, I rendered it to each other's resources they depended on in serving what they both did linguistically etymologically and symatically and in offering them to the wishers. Of my resources to my research are the Al-Fieyyeh book for the arudite Ibn Malek, Ibn Aqeel's explanation Youse'f El-Shiekh Mohammad El-Buqar's verification and I relied on Al-Khudari's margin through controlling, vowels pointing and correcting, and another more modern edition with Turki Farhan El-Mustafa comment. I stooped on many of the etymology books like El-Nazem and Awdah El-Masalel to Ibn Hisham, and Assalek's method to Al-Ashmuni, and Al-Sattan's margin, and Al-Makudi's explanation, and others. To get information about their resources mentioned in the explanation and margin, were the Holy Koran, the Honourable Hadith and book of interpretation like Bughyet Al-Wi'ah to Al-Seyati and Ghayet El-Nehaya to Ibn El –Jazari, and Al-Alam to Zarkali and Mu'jam Al-Mualifin to Kahala. And what faced me in writing this research was lackness of studies standing on searching in Ibn Aqeel's style widely picted but of what was found of lines in the etymological school books to Salem Makram Shawqi Dief, and Bdu El-Rajhi. The same was with its methodology and resources and non-bundance of study around Al-Khudari's margin which made me to great effort in anaysing penetrating deeply into this line by line and paper by paper to help myself in doing something good in this behalf. At last I ask God for my research to be useful for my compassionate mother (the Arabic) appreciating my love to her and dignity to her status
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